Chat with us, powered by LiveChat Child’s trauma history behavioral health problems Argumentative Paper | Abc Paper
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AP #2.How can a child’s trauma history (adverse childhood experiences) create behavioral health problems that contribute to juvenile delinquency? Introduction to the issue (this is not to be used in your paper):Youth adjudicated delinquent of criminal offenses that land them in detention facilities to serve out their sentences have a disproportionately high number of adverse childhood experiences (trauma history).The days of juvenile justice being solely about keeping a child in custody are over.Juvenile justice in this country focuses on support, services, and treatment.Youth detention facilities that have started using trauma-informed training have seen a decline in the use of restraints and seclusion to address aggressive behavior, and a decline in threats against staff, along with reductions in symptoms of post-traumatic stress syndrome like nightmares, avoidance symptoms, hopelessness, depression, and anxiety.The youth in the detention facilities report they felt safer and more able to control their negative behaviors when the staff understand that they try to control their behavior but the hurt, pain, and fears (PTSD) from their childhood experiences interfere. There are 6 empirical scientific research articles I posted. This AP requires a minimum of 4 relevant resources.Five (5) of the resources I posted for this assignment has a doi.One (1) article has a web address as a locating resource DO NOT CREATE A TITLE PAGE At least 2 + pages – BUT – no more than 3 full pages (reference page is page #4) of evidence supporting your argument.Times New Roman 12 pt. font, double spaced.TWO (2) spaces after every sentence.You must include a reference page (page 4).The reference page does not count as one of your 3 pages of your argument.All references cited in APA style.Use research / legal cases / legislation / court decisions to support your argument.Use a header to identify the assignment – the header will automatically generate on each page of the assignment.(Header under the “insert tab” on your tool bar).Header example – John JonesAP #2 APA REFERENCE FORMATTING – Every resource used must have an in-text citation to identify the information AND must have a reference entry on your reference page. IN TEXT…… When citing an author in text the name and date should be at the end of a sentence (Jones, 2017).The period to end the sentence is inserted after the parenthesis. IN YOUR LIST OF REFERENCES…..list resources alphabetically.Every reference must have either a doi or a web address. Reference entry example of an article from an empirical resource with DOI Assigned Jones, D.(2017).Strategies for effective studying.Journal of Education, 41(11/12), 1245-1283. doi:10.1108/03090560710821161 Reference entry example of an article from an empirical resource without a DOI Assigned Jones, D.(2017).Strategies for effective studying.Journal of Education, 41(11/12), 1245-1283.Retrieved from http//:educationjournals.org/ The resources for this argumentative paper must include relevant empirical (scientific) Journal articles (2013-present date) and/or relevant law/statutes, legal case/legislation/Court decisions. Argumentative paper (AP) guidelines: Organize and outline your outlook on a specific issue Inform others of your stance, point of view, or side of the issue Present your unique perspective on the topic (this is NOT a group project – each of you have the capacity to think for yourself to create an original argument) Frame the discussion in the form of an argument in support of your position Demonstrate that you understand the primary issue Be consistent in your argument (maintain focus of your perception of the problem under study) Focus on logical arguments and important evidence that supports your viewpoint APA rules of writing require Times New Roman size 12 font.Double space between all text lines.This assignment guide is double spaced and uses Times New Roman size 12 font.APA rules of writing require 2 (two) spaces between sentences.Do not create a title page. Use a header to identify the assignment and your name. Start with a paragraph (thesis statement) stating the problem (a paragraph has at minimum 3 sentences (usually more BUT at least 3).This tells the reader you understand the topic and issue.Your AP should have several paragraphs.Indent the first line of every paragraph.Paragraphs provide structure and order to your essay.A paragraph is a collection of related sentences dealing with a single idea.The basic rule of thumb with paragraphing is to keep one idea to one paragraph.If you begin to transition into a new idea, it belongs in a new paragraph. Refer to the supporting empirical research, and/or law, legal case or legislation that is consistent with your thesis statement and reinforces your position.The research facts establish your grasp of the problem and gives authority to your argument.Write in a technical form….no emotion, no fluff, no filler (BS)…this is not a paper of how you “feel”, it is a statement of fact that supports your argument.Focus on the logical arguments and stay on point throughout the paper. The conclusion summarizes your argument based on your perception of the problem and concludes with why your argument is important and should be influential.The conclusion does not introduce any new concepts that were not addressed in your essay.Your conclusion should effectively answer this questionWhy was your analysis and argument of the topic important?Do not simply repeat things from your paper.Show how the points you made and the empirical research, law, legal cases and/or legislation you used fit together to create an interesting original essay that emphasizes your perspective on the topic. The research you use for your argument must be empirical (scientific) and/or law, legal cases, court decisions, and legislation.Do not use debateapedia, wikipedia or any web site ending in pedia, definitions from dictionaries, webmed, encyclopedias, Dr. OZ, Dr. Phil, blogs, Rush Limbaugh, Hannity, Oprah, Nancy Grace or any of the other broadcasters in popular or social media.If you cannot find a publication date and the name of the author it is unlikely to be an empirical research source.Do not cut and paste anything from any website.This assignment is for you to use critical thinking skills and to have a voice in presenting your unique perspective on a topic.
3_traumachangeseverything_childabuseandneglect.pdf

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traumatic_childhood_experiences.pdf

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Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Child Abuse & Neglect
Research article
Trauma changes everything: Examining the relationship
between adverse childhood experiences and serious, violent
and chronic juvenile offenders夽
Bryanna Hahn Fox a,∗ , Nicholas Perez a , Elizabeth Cass a ,
Michael T. Baglivio b , Nathan Epps c
a
b
c
University of South Florida, Department of Criminology, USA
G4S Youth Services, Research and Program Development, USA
Florida Department of Juvenile Justice, Bureau of Research & Planning, USA
a r t i c l e
i n f o
Article history:
Received 1 October 2014
Received in revised form 12 January 2015
Accepted 14 January 2015
Available online xxx
Keywords:
Adverse childhood experiences
Juvenile offenders
Prevention
a b s t r a c t
Among juvenile offenders, those who commit the greatest number and the most violent
offenses are referred to as serious, violent, and chronic (SVC) offenders. However, current
practices typically identify SVC offenders only after they have committed their prolific and
costly offenses. While several studies have examined risk factors of SVCs, no screening
tool has been developed to identify children at risk of SVC offending. This study aims to
examine how effective the adverse childhood experiences index, a childhood trauma-based
screening tool developed in the medical field, is at identifying children at higher risk of SVC
offending. Data on the history of childhood trauma, abuse, neglect, criminal behavior, and
other criminological risk factors for offending among 22,575 delinquent youth referred to
the Florida Department of Juvenile Justice are analyzed, with results suggesting that each
additional adverse experience a child experience increases the risk of becoming a serious,
violent, and chronic juvenile offender by 35, when controlling for other risk factors for
criminal behavior. These findings suggest that the ACE score could be used by practitioners
as a first-line screening tool to identify children at risk of SVC offending before significant
downstream wreckage occurs.
© 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Introduction
Approximately 1 in 8 reported violent crimes in the United States are committed by a juvenile offender (FBI, 2012).
However, less than 10% of all juvenile offenders commit over 50% of all serious and violent juvenile offenses (Piquero,
2011). This segment of the youth offending population, known as the serious, violent, and chronic (SVC) offenders, inflict
considerable harm and economic costs on society due to the volume and type of crimes that they commit (DeLisi & Piquero,
2011; Loeber & Farrington, 1998).
Although past research suggests that there are several developmental, social, and psychological risk factors for SVC
offending (see Fox, Jennings, & Piquero, 2014), the general approach to identifying SVC offenders has typically been reactive
夽 This work was supported by the Oak Ridge Associated Universities (Ralph E. Powe Junior Faculty Enhancement Award) and funding from the University
of South Florida’s Research and Innovation.
∗ Corresponding author at: University of South Florida, Department of Criminology, 4202 East Fowler Avenue, Tampa, FL 33620, USA.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2015.01.011
0145-2134/© 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Please cite this article in press as: Fox, B. H., et al. Trauma changes everything: Examining the relationship between
adverse childhood experiences and serious, violent and chronic juvenile offenders. Child Abuse & Neglect (2015),
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2015.01.011
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in nature. Specifically, SVCs are currently identified only after they have accrued multiple felonies and violent offenses,
and the resultant harm has already occurred (Loeber & Farrington, 2000). Consequently, both academics (e.g., Loeber &
Ahonen, 2014; Loeber & Farrington, 2012; Thornberry, Huizinga, & Loeber, 1995; Zahn, 2009) and practitioners (e.g., Baglivio,
Jackowski, Greenwald, & Howell, 2014) have called for a more efficient and effective method for identifying youth at risk for
becoming serious, violent, and chronic offenders.
Therefore, the purpose of this research is to determine if a tool developed in the medical field, called the adverse childhood
experiences (ACE) score, could be used to evaluate youth at risk of future SVC offending before their criminal behavior begins.
The ACE has been found to relate to serious negative health outcomes in adulthood, such as ischemic heart disease, high
blood pressure, chronic lung disease, skeletal fractures, liver disease, cancer, and even early death, for those with higher
levels of neglect, adversity, or trauma in childhood (Flaherty et al., 2013). Similarly, criminologists and psychologists have
found that individuals who commit serious violent crimes tend to have high rates of trauma, abuse, and other harmful
experiences in childhood, even when controlling for other environmental and biological factors (Farrington, 2005; Fox et al.,
2014; Laub & Sampson, 1994; Moffitt, 1993; Nagin & Tremblay, 1999). As a result, there is reason to believe that the ACE
may also be used to identify individuals at high risk of becoming serious, violent, and chronic offenders.
Serious, Violent, and Chronic Juvenile Offenders
In 1995, the U.S. Department of Justice’s Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (OJJDP) commissioned a
study group on serious and violent juvenile offenders in order to learn more about the etiology of these offenders, and how
best to prevent juveniles from committing serious and violent criminal acts (see Farrington, Loeber, & Ttofi, 2012; Loeber &
Farrington, 2000). Through the study group’s investigation, as well as the OJJDP-funded longitudinal youth studies conducted
in Denver, Pittsburgh, and Rochester, there has been a substantial increase in the literature on the causes, correlates, and
prevention strategies for serious, chronic, and violent juvenile behavior.
One of the most significant and recurring findings in the literature is that SVCs are disproportionately victims of trauma,
abuse, neglect, and maltreatment during childhood, as compared to the less severe or non-offending juvenile population
(Dierkhising et al., 2013; Fox et al., 2014; Loeber & Farrington, 2000). Specifically, new research shows that 90% of juvenile
offenders in the United States experience some sort of traumatic event in childhood (Dierkhising et al., 2013), and up to 30%
of justice-involved American youth actually meet the criteria for post-traumatic stress disorder due to trauma experienced
during childhood (Dierkhising et al., 2013).
Additional studies have shown that individuals who were abused or neglected during childhood are far more likely
to commit a violent act than those who did not experience abuse and neglect (Dodge, Bates, & Pettit, 1990; Maxfield &
Widom, 1996; Widom, 1989). In the Rochester Youth Development Study, maltreated children were significantly more
likely to commit violence between ages 14 and 18, even after controlling for gender, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and
family structure (Smith & Thornberry, 1995). Maxfield and Widom’s (1996) seminal study on child abuse also found that
experiencing trauma and abuse during childhood increased the odds of juvenile violent behavior by more than 200%.
This connection between childhood maltreatment and antisocial behavior is addressed in the developmental pathology
perspective. This perspective examines the roots and nature of deviance in maltreated children. Theorists studying this
paradigm have found that abused and neglected children have a higher likelihood of detrimental development outcomes,
including psychopathology (Cicchetti & Toth, 1995; Toth & Cicchetti, 2013). The trauma may affect the biological and psychological development of the child by causing some type of neural impairment disrupting the regulatory processes central
to maintaining their normal wellbeing (Cicchetti & Rogosch, 2012). For instance, research suggests that adverse childhood
experiences may cause chromosome damage (Shalev et al., 2013) and functional changes to the developing brain (Anda,
Butchart, Felitti, & Brown, 2010; Cicchetti, 2013; Danese & McEwen, 2012; Teicher et al., 2003). Stressful events, such as
those included in the ACE score, may also lead to a heightened neural state triggering the brain to excrete adrenal steroids,
growth hormones, amino acids, and other stress mediating chemicals known as the allostatic response (Garland, Boettiger,
& Howard, 2011). While these stress-managing chemicals may be beneficial when produced in short, confined bursts, a
prolonged chemical response resulting from chronic stress such as ongoing childhood abuse, called an allostatic load, may
result in permanent chemical elevations and other destructive physiological and behavioral responses (Cicchetti & Toth,
2005).
As a result of these neurological and psychological changes, the maltreated child is prone to violence in a number of
ways. The physiological changes resulting from the allostatic load may lead to extreme, and potentially violent, reactions to
even trivial stimuli. The higher inclination toward violence could also be the result of problems with affect regulation in the
abused or neglected children. Specifically, According to Toth, Harris, Goodman, and Cicchetti (2011), maltreated children
experience difficulties recognizing, expressing, and understanding their emotions. These children exhibit more aggressive
and reactive behavior and are more predisposed to detect angry emotional expressions. A study by Howes, Cicchetti, Toth,
and Rogosch (2000) also indicated that abusive families also have more difficulty regulating anger in their children. These
effects can produce dramatic changes on the emotional development of the child and may be connected to higher levels of
externalizing violent behavior.
Exposure to parental incarceration has also been linked to delinquency and other maladaptive behaviors (Geller, Garfinkel,
Cooper, & Mincy, 2009; Murray & Farrington, 2008). Among the 411 males in the Cambridge Study of Delinquent Development, Murray and Farrington (2005) found that parental imprisonment predicted antisocial and delinquent outcomes up to
Please cite this article in press as: Fox, B. H., et al. Trauma changes everything: Examining the relationship between
adverse childhood experiences and serious, violent and chronic juvenile offenders. Child Abuse & Neglect (2015),
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2015.01.011
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age 32, even after controlling for other childhood risk factors. Exposure to household violence in childhood has also been
found to uniquely contribute to later behavioral problems and/or delinquency. Herrera and McCloskey (2001) found that in
a sample of 299 children, exposure to violence in the household significantly predicted a referral to juvenile court up to 5
years later.
In short, criminological and public health research suggests that childhood trauma and adversity significantly increases
the odds of serious, chronic, and violent offending (Piquero, Farrington, & Blumstein, 2003), and there are considerable policy
and prevention advantages to identifying children at higher risk of becoming SVC offenders before destructive criminal
behavior develops (Farrington, 1989; Loeber & Farrington, 2000). However, successfully predicting future SVC offenders is
a difficult task, as no screening tool has been developed for the early identification of SVC offenders (Piquero, Jennings, &
Barnes, 2012).
Consequently, practitioners and academics are relegated to identifying children at risk of SVC offending before they
accrue multiple felonies and violent offenses, and the resultant harm to their victims, themselves, and society has occurred
(Fox et al., 2014; Loeber & Farrington, 2000). As a single violent offense (excluding homicide) costs society $63,870 (Cohen &
Piquero, 2009), and the average criminal career costs between $2.47 and $3.34 million per offender (Cohen, 1998), the price
of being reactive when identifying and preventing SVC offenders is staggering.
The development of a SVC screening tool would allow those routinely in contact with children (such as doctors, school
nurses, teachers, and criminal justice practitioners) to proactively identify children at risk for SVC offending before it starts
and intervene with targeted therapeutic programs, in order to help prevent the devastating outcomes associated with
childhood trauma and abuse.
The Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACE) Score
The adverse childhood experiences (ACE) score was first used in 1998 in a seminal medical study examining the relationship between childhood abuse and trauma and the leading causes of death in adults (Felitti et al., 1998). In the retrospective
study of over 17,000 middle-aged adults with Kaiser-Permanente health insurance, Felitti and his colleagues identified several traumatic and adverse childhood experiences that significantly and positively correlated with several serious, chronic,
and life-threatening ailments in adulthood, including heart disease, high blood pressure, chronic lung disease, skeletal fractures, liver disease, cancer, and even early death (Felitti et al., 1998). Items in the original ACE score include: emotional,
physical, and sexual abuse; witnessing household violence; household substance abuse; household mental illness; and
having an incarcerated household member. Additional ACE items included in recent research are: physical and emotional
neglect; and parental separation/divorce. Most studies utilize an index comprised of seven to ten ACE items (Felitti et al.,
1998; Finkelhor, Shattuck, Turner, & Hamby, 2013; Palusci, 2013). ACE scores are calculated using the total number of ACE
items an individual has experienced.
While each of the traumatic events in the ACE exerts negative impact on an individual’s health, behavior, and/or psychological development (Anda et al., 2010), exposure to multiple adverse experiences has an exponentially more harmful
effect (Felitti et al., 1998). For instance, adults who experience four or more ACEs have twice the risk of stroke as adults
who experience three ACEs (Felitti et al., 1998). This indicates a dose–response effect, as each additional ACE exponentially
increases the risk of negative physical and mental health outcomes (Anda et al., 2006, 2010).
Adverse Childhood Experiences and Future Negative Outcomes
Subsequent research on ACE scores has demonstrated that individuals with multiple ACEs have more psychological and
mental health issues including depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder, eating disorders, insomnia, substance
abuse, and conduct disorder (Anda et al., 2006, 2010; Bellis, Lowey, Leckenby, Hughes, & Harrison, 2014; Chapman, Dube, &
Anda, 2007). Higher cumulative ACE scores have also been shown to increase the risk of problematic behaviors such as heavy
drinking, smoking, risky sexual behavior, poor education and employment outcomes, and involvement in violence (Bellis
et al., 2014; Hillis, Anda, Felitti, & Marchbanks, 2001; Hillis et al., 2004). ACEs have recently been identified with immediate
negative consequences such as chromosome damage (Shalev et al., 2013) and functional changes to the developing brain
(Anda et al., 2010; Cicchetti, 2013; Danese & McEwen, 2012; Teicher et al., 2003).
It has also been suggested that many negative outcomes associated with high ACE scores are innate solutions adopted
to respond and cope with trauma in the absence of healthier and more positive coping options, such as the allostatic load
and other developmental pathologies that were previously discussed (Larkin, Felitti, & Anda, 2014). Such neurological and
chemical dysfunction can lead to many negative physiological and behavioral reactions, and could be the origin of the many
serious psychological, health, and behavioral problems associated with high ACE scores (Garland et al., 2011).
Developmental and life-course criminology (DLC) theorists have also identified several distinct trajectories of antisocial
behavior, such as Moffitt’s (1993) dual taxonomy of life-course persistent (LCP) and adolescence-limited (AL) offenders,
which are linked to specific neurodevelopmental deficits and offending patterns across the life-course (Moffitt, 2006;
Patterson & Yoerger, 2002; Piquero & Moffitt, 2005). For instance, AL offenders, who commit deviant and criminal behavior
mainly during the teenage years, begin offending in their early to mid teenage years as a response to social pressures such
as peer influence or the maturity gap, and mainly commit relatively minor violations such as underage drinking, vandalism,
and drug use, before desisting in early adulthood (Moffitt, 1993). Conversely, LCPs begin offending very early in life, often
Please cite this article in press as: Fox, B. H., et al. Trauma changes everything: Examining the relationship between
adverse childhood experiences and serious, violent and chronic juvenile offenders. Child Abuse & Neglect (2015),
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2015.01.011
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in childhood, and commit a wide variety of serious and violent crimes throughout their lives (Farrington, 2003; Moffitt,
1993).
Indeed, empirical research has shown that LCP offending is related to certain neuropsychological (i.e. biological, neurological, hormonal or genetic) deficits that interact with certain negative social environments, such as childhood abuse and
poor family functioning, to produce long-term criminal behavior that is seen across the LCP offender’s lifetime (Moffitt, 2006;
Piquero, Farrington, et al., 2012). For instance, studies have found that genes may make early-onset (i.e. LCP) offenders more
sensitive to negative social influences, such as maltreatment and abuse, as compared to adolescence-onset offenders (Eley,
Lichtenstein, & Moffitt, 2003; Hoeve et al., 2014; Painter & Scannapieco, 2013; Taylor, Iacono, & McGue, 2000), and children
with the monoamine oxidase A (MAOA) allele who were also victims of abuse in childhood were more likely to report mental
health problems later in life, compared to maltreated children without this genetic “vulnerability” (Kim-Cohen et al., 2006).
As DLC research, particularly Moffitt’s taxonomy, suggests that neuropsychological deficits and negative environmental
influences such as childhood abuse and trauma occur at higher rates among the LCP offenders, it is expected that the more
serious, violent, and chronic juvenile offenders are more likely to experience childhood trauma than their less criminogenic
counterparts.
Adverse Childhood Experiences and Criminal Behavior
Very little research has examined the link between the ACE scores and criminal behavior. The only published study on
the topic examined the prevalence of ACEs among 64,000 juveniles referred to the Florida Department of Juvenile Justice
(FDJJ) using items from a risk assessment for reoffending (Baglivio, Epps, Swartz, Huq, & Hardt, 2014). Results showed that
the FDJJ sample of juvenile offenders were 13 times less likely to have no adverse childhood experiences, and over 4 times
as likely to have experienced four or more ACEs as the adults in the original ACE study sample (Baglivio, Epps, et al., 2014).
The present study aims to build upon prior research by examining the effectiveness of using ACE scores as a screening
tool to identify SVC offenders in a cohort …
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